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Guest Blog: Hirsch on Whether the CAW could strike GM if U.S. law applied?

by David Doorey June 7, 2008
written by David Doorey June 7, 2008

The CAW came away empty handed from the their meeting with GM leaders in Detroit, and the union has now revved up its threats of a ‘wildcat’ strike, which means an illegal strike in Canada that takes place while a collective agreement is in effect.  Doorey’s Workplace Law Blog asked guest blogger, Professor Jeffrey Hirsch of the University of Tennessee College of Law how American law would deal with the situation unfolding in Oshawa.  In particular, we asked Jeffrey whether a union in the U.S. could strike to pressure the employer to reverse a decision to close a factory and lay-off the workers.  Here’s his response:

The quick answer is that an American union can generally strike in this
situation.  Assuming that there is not a no-strike clause in the CBA,
this type of action is protected by the NLRA in most instances.  The
NLRA (Section 13) expressly states that the Act should not be construed
to “to interfere with or impede or diminish in any way the right to
strike,” except for specific statutory exceptions such as secondary
strikes.  That right is often observed in the breach, but it has
produced a fairly wide range of scenarios in which a primary strike is
allowed.  Basically, the NLRA views economic pressure as a normal part
of collective bargaining, so as long as the parties don’t go too far,
anything goes.

A further twist is that an American union would not only be allowed to
strike in this situation, but it may actually have extra protection for
the strike.  Unions much prefer an unfair labor practice strike to an
economic one, because permanent replacements are allowed only for the
latter.  The strike here looks a lot like an unfair labor practice one
under American law.  Under another provision of the NLRA (Section 8(d)),
any party that wants to modify or terminate a CBA must, among other
things, serve written notice on the other party at least 60 days before
the change, bargain with the other party, and maintain the terms of the
CBA–without engaging in a work stoppage–for 60 days after the notice
or until the CBA expires, whichever is later.  Had GM not followed this
rule for one of its American plants, it would have committed an unfair
labor practice (under Section 8(a)(5), which incorporates 8(d)), and
would mean that the union is engaging in an unfair labor practice
strike.

 
Finally, the President does have the power to enjoin a strike or
lock-out for up to 80 days if the work stoppage threatens national health or safety.  That power has been rarely used, as President Bush discovered
after he enjoined a longshoreman work stoppage a few years ago.

Thanks Jeffrey, very interesting how the law of the two countries varies so widely on the approach to strikes.
 

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David Doorey

Professor Doorey is an Associate Professor of Work Law and Industrial Relations at York University. He is Academic Director of Osgoode Hall Law School’s executive LLM Program in Labour and Employment Law and a Senior Research Associate at Harvard Law School’s Labor and Worklife Program. Professor Doorey is a graduate of Osgoode Hall Law School (LL.B., Ph.D), London School of Economics (LLM Labour Law), and the University of Toronto (B.A., M.I.R.).

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Speaking of middle aged guys who talk about Labour Law, I’m returning to my old stopping grounds in beautiful Vancouver later this month!

Thanks to @AllardLaw & @SFU_LBST for the invitation.

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For me, this simple little case brings into focus the most important issues for future of Canadian labour law.

What does it mean to say workers have freedom to associate when they can be fired for associating?

Should law protect nonunion workers’ right to strike? How so? …

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Was reading a decision again in which a group of daycare workers selected a spokesperson to raise employment related concerns with boss.

She was fired.

Workers struck in solidarity. They too were fired.

Did you know that no Canadian law protects these workers from dismissal?

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